Author: tdpel

  • Our meat obsession is destroying the planet – the solution is to change how we see animals

    Globally, we eat around 318 million tonnes of meat every year. By 2050, that figure is projected to reach 517 million tonnes.

    This rising number reflects how farming animals like pigs, chickens and cows for consumption by humans has been largely normalised as essential to our existence. This stark separation between humans and other animals was a core value of European colonisation of places like the US.

    In New England, as English colonisers’ practice of continually farming maize without giving the fields a rest was destroying soils – leading to reduced crop output – the English began hunting local animals for extra food.

    When these species became depleted, they started to tame and rear domesticated animals to feed expanding coloniser and enslaved populations.

    This practice of taming animals was used by colonisers not only to distinguish themselves from the native “savages” they believed to be in their way, but also to assert land ownership through making animal domestication a precondition for claiming private property rights.

    This had disastrous results.

    The Great Plains region in central North America began to be overwhelmed by European domesticated species like cows, pigs, sheep, goats and horses, as well as invasive foreign plants like grasses along with associated insects and microbes.

    These species quickly compressed soils and destroyed much of the long grass needed to support key species such as the bison.

    Bison were not only highly valuable within local ecosystems thanks to their grazing patterns, they also played a vital role in many Indigenous populations’ food systems and spiritual beliefs.

    Not only were settlers inadvertently threatening bison populations by their farming habits, they also began slaughtering them in droves for food and their hides.

    These were used to make drive belts for factories churning out mass produced consumer goods in North America and Europe. As a result, bison populations across North America plunged from an estimated 30 million in 1800 to only 1,000 in 1900.

    Bison were a vital component of ecosystems in many parts of the US.
    Tom Saint/Flickr, CC BY-SA

    Cree filmmaker Tasha Hubbard has argued that the destruction of the bison was a form of genocide, since their slaughter was partly designed to render Native Americans and their cultures extinct.

    The loss of bison also led to declines in Indigenous plant foods and medicines such as wild rye, the compass plant, big bluestem and Golden Alexander – plants which colonisers called weeds.

    Meat economy

    The birth of the modern meat industry required the transformation of these once biodiverse lands into ecologically sparse tracts for industrial meat production, where animals are crowded together in tiny compounds stretching for many miles. These systems replaced an Indigenous approach of mutual dependence between human and nonhuman animals within a balanced ecosystem.

    Although animals were and are hunted by Indigenous populations, the fact that they are also spiritually revered has important consequences. Crucially, hunted populations are allowed to replenish themselves.

    In contrast, around two-thirds of farm animals across the world are born and reared on factory farms. Many live in cramped and squalid conditions where mistreatment, abuse and early death are commonplace. A recent example of this in the UK was the mass culling of pigs due to labour shortages in the UK abattoir industry in October 2021.

    What’s more, the global meat industry now accounts for 60% of greenhouse gas emissions from food production, which itself contributes 37% of total emissions – creating even greater imbalances in our planetary environment.

    Indigenous ethics

    But there is an alternative. Indigenous ideas like “relationality” and “reciprocity” can help us all challenge our outlook on nonhuman animals. Relationality is the idea that all living things are interconnected, meaning that human lives depend on the ability to exist ethically alongside other creatures.

    Similarly, reciprocity describes a commitment to caring for one another through acknowledging the web of ecological, social and spiritual relationships within which we all exist.

    For example, cultures such as the sub-arctic Innu and arctic Inuit hunt, kill and eat animals while maintaining strong ethics of relationality and reciprocity. Understanding how the widespread commodification of animals has radically changed ecosystems and driven climate change can help us combat these effects, creating a more sustainable world.

    An Inuit father feeds his child with seal meat from a recent hunt.
    GRID-Arendal/Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA

    In these communities, hunting, fishing and foraging are ways of life. Yet respect is shown to living creatures to ensure their abundance. This is done by limiting kills, sharing and using all parts of animals, and paying spiritual tribute to animal deities.

    Although these activities may not be possible for most of us, we can use similar principles to promote respect for animals – and for the planet – through rewilding land to help wild animals thrive, abolishing industrial farming and transitioning to plant-based diets.

    Ultimately, debates on how best to protect our increasingly damaged planet must prioritise, rather than marginalise, nonhuman animals and their immense value.

    The Conversation

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

  • Boris Johnson exposes the weakness at the heart of a ‘good chaps’ rule of government

    It can be easy to get swept up in the drama surrounding Boris Johnson.

    He, after all, appears to encourage it.

    But the current instability plaguing the British government raises more important questions than what will happen to one man.

    As the administration lurches from one crisis to the next and backbench MPs wrestle with what to do about it, the fundamental flaws of the British system are becoming ever more apparent.

    At the heart of the matter is a prime minister who is content to ignore the conventions and generally accepted practices of the established system. His story truly exposes how little British citizens are protected from leaders of his ilk.

    The country has, in a rather British way, muddled through for years. There have been reports and inquiries and codes of conduct but, unlike countries such as the US, the UK has no single document or “written constitution” which sets out the limits on behaviour.

    Instead, there are acknowledged precedents and unspoken agreement. Historian Peter Hennessy has labelled this the “good chap” theory of government – a tacit understanding that there are some things which you just shouldn’t do, there’s a good chap (and we should understand the rather dated term “chap” to refer to men and women alike).

    But by ignoring or trampling over traditional norms of behaviour, Boris Johnson has exposed the severe weakness of the system. If the chap at the top is not a good chap, then virtually no rules or restraints seem to apply. As the lawyer and commentator David Allen Green observed in summer 2021, when a Labour MP was criticised for accusing the prime minister of lying in the House of Commons: “When a prime minister lies repeatedly, there is nothing that can be done. But something will be done to a MP pointing this out.”

    When good chaps turn bad

    Johnson has pulled off an effective confidence trick. He may look and sound like a good chap, with his archaic vocabulary and deliberately eccentric tone and posture. He has, as it were, adopted the “habitus” of the traditionally educated – prep school, Eton and Balliol – prime minister.

    But he is not a good chap. He prorogued parliament unlawfully, as the supreme court found unanimously. He tried to abolish the parliamentary standards system when it found that a Conservative MP had been a paid lobbyist, again in breach of the rules.

    His former aide has accused him of lying to parliament when claiming he thought a party held in Downing Street during a pandemic lockdown was a “work event”. He has repeatedly passed on opportunities to withdraw baseless accusations he has thrown at the opposition leader in parliament that appear to have originated in online conspiracy theories.

    Most prime ministers of the last 100 years would have resigned over almost any one of these transgressions.

    Norms and abuse

    Norms are usually a social construct. They are not necessarily formally written down but nonetheless provide stability and confidence that society is not a free-for-all on the brink of breakdown. The behaviour of leaders matters. In a corporate setting, governance codes require, for example, board members to question and challenge the executive. Companies should not be dictatorships. Corporate governance has been the subject of a purposeful and quite productive debate for the last 30 years. In the private sector, it is understood that structures matter for anyone trying to run a healthy and successful enterprise.

    Cabinet government is supposed to work in a roughly similar way, with the prime minister primus inter pares – first among equals – a Latin phrase which should not test the prime minister’s perhaps fading grasp of the language too severely.

    Yet even to discuss the problem in this way can sound quaint and naïve. What is not – at least, was not – quaint is the idea that an effective cabinet secretary at the heart of this system can ensure that prime ministerial excesses are very often curbed. The head of the civil service sees to it that the norms are respected and kept in place. Past cabinet secretaries were masters of this. No such figure is at work in Whitehall today, as the prime minister well knows (indeed, he saw to it that this was the case).

    What we see is that a system, without norms, is wide open for abuse. Today only the moral awareness of Conservative MPs can defend a nation from a prime minister determined to stay in office come what may, no matter what he says or does.

    Leadership without purpose, other than satisfying the ego, is likely to founder. Governance rules are in place, in business and the rest of society, to try to prevent immoral leaders driving their organisations into the ground. As scandals continued to break, this government’s flagship policy to “level up” more deprived regions was rushed out, apparently before it was ready, as part of the bid to distract attention away from one man and his mistakes.

    The true legacy of the Johnson premiership will probably be a growing demand for the hitherto unspoken norms of government to be more formally codified, even put into law. And the two-word verdict on allowing such a person to take charge in Number 10 will be stark and clear: never again.

    Stefan Stern does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

  • Basic income support in South Africa: risks, rewards and what it will take

    Some form of basic income support is central to the South African government’s agenda. The lockdown-induced shocks have added to the crisis of structural mass unemployment and of poverty. There also seems to be broad consensus that basic income support is an essential part of the country’s social compact.

    But the fiscal risks it poses to a fragile economy have not diminished. And government faces some hard trade-offs to ensure these risks are minimised and that other social spending is not compromised.

    A small cash grant to the poorest workers was introduced as an ad-hoc and temporary response to the collapse of employment induced by the COVID-19 lockdowns. The COVID social relief of distress grant operates in terms of national disaster regulations, and its financing depends on periodic extensions announced in the national budget.

    But the success of the grant has underscored a broad consensus in favour of continuation. The first attempt to withdraw it ended in defeat for the Treasury in the wake of the organised unrest of last July. Since then, the president has clearly warmed to the idea. The minimum wage helped him forge the coalition of factions in the African National Congress (ANC) that backed him in 2017.

    Continuing with basic income support may well be necessary to secure his re-election at the 2022 ANC conference, and victory for the ANC in 2024. By then the grant would have been in place for five years, and it would not make sense to think of it as temporary.

    It now seems clear that income support for the poorest citizens of working age is a new element of South Africa’s fiscal constitution – a contract on which sustainability of democracy depends. Legislation that defines the beneficiaries and design of the grant will take time to pass. In the meantime, the budget will have to accommodate a structural increase in spending of R50 billion to R100 billion, or about 1% of GDP.

    But will it happen?

    Policy paralysis is baked deeply into the national condition. On the other hand, South Africa is good at cash transfers. And it has a relatively efficient tax system.

    Benefits and risks

    Basic income for poor workers comes with many economic and social benefits.

    It should lead to a material extension of economic opportunity for the many, an expansion of human capabilities and a reduction in the daily burden of poverty, hunger and disease that blights politics and society.

    There are also cogent arguments (and some evidence) to suggest that cash transfers to working-age adults have positive impacts on labour market participation and employment.

    Extending the grants system is likely to complement livelihood strategies and activate economic opportunities for poor households.

    In a context of risky transformations associated with green industrialisation, some form of basic income support may well be a comparatively efficient way to protect the most vulnerable and bring a sense of justice to the transition.

    But the claims of true believers that a basic income grant will set in motion a new path of growth and development should be treated with caution.

    The extension of income to the poor addresses none of the major constraints facing South Africa’s economy, and could well lead to increased consumption, including of imports, combined with a fall in national savings and investment.

    The grant will worsen South Africa’s fiscal position. This is already so chronic that it has itself become a central cause of slow growth and economic stagnation. High interest rates on government debt are a hurdle to fixed investment. The incessant rise in debt service costs – now approaching 5% of national income – crowds social spending out of tax revenue and shifts the profile of public spending in favour of affluent households.

    The deficit has been entrenched at around 6% of GDP for more than a decade, and there is no clear path to closing it. As these pressures mount, so does the danger of financial and macroeconomic turbulence.

    The introduction of a new R50 billion expenditure commitment will aggravate these pressures and weaken the credibility of fiscal policy. Over time, it implies tax increases that will raise the returns required on investment projects. The increased fiscal risks imply higher borrowing costs, which could slow the pace of growth and employment creation.

    In these circumstances, the Presidential Economic Advisory Council is absolutely correct to advise caution about the fiscal risks. Moreover, the report of the Department of Social Development’s Expert Panel on Basic Income Support provides no evidence to dispel these concerns.

    Global conditions currently enable South Africa to sustain its chronic and worsening fiscal position. Rising commodity prices mean corporate tax revenues from mining and finance are temporarily elevated. Easy monetary conditions underpin the flow of portfolio capital in support of the domestic bond market. These factors enable South Africa to continue along a clearly unsustainable path, and the political leadership is determined to make hay while the sun still shines.

    It would be foolish to rely on the continuation of these conditions. When times change for the worse, tax revenues will fall and interest rates will rise further. Financial markets are aware of these dynamics, and the damage to the credibility of government’s fiscal position implied by the additional spending will be anticipated, putting upward pressure on bond yields.

    This means clearly signalling that the new grants will be paid out of new taxes.

    New spending means new taxes

    For many years National Treasury has correctly argued that structural increases in spending must be backed by structural increases in taxation.

    There are several options that now need to be considered. Removing the tax breaks on retirement savings would raise the effective rate of personal income tax for the most affluent. Government can also step harder on the brake of fiscal drag, which distributes the burden onto the middle strata but creates inefficiency and perverse incentives. A better approach would be to raise the rate of value-added tax.

    In recognition of the permanence of the grant, some combination of all these tax measures needs to be placed on the table for discussion as soon as possible.

    Tax increases need not be implemented immediately but must be announced far in advance. Delaying tax increases would help reap the multiplier effects of the new spending. But upfront clarity on plans for increased taxation is needed to limit the deterioration in financial conditions which, if left unchecked, could overwhelm any positive multiplier effects. Tax changes of this magnitude also require extensive public deliberation and policy work to ensure effective design and orderly implementation can take place.

    The potential upsides of basic income support will depend on design, institutions, and the quality of the social compact that can be negotiated around it. Until now, the president has been warm and fuzzy about the need for basic income support and public employment programmes. He frequently waxes lyrical about social compacting and the need for government to be generous to its people, especially the poor and unemployed. But he has been largely silent on the question of the trade-offs, or the real economic concessions needed to make a social compact work.

    Basic income support is not a question of government “being generous”. The money will be taken from employed citizens and the affluent, and it is they that the president should be calling upon to be generous, while explaining clearly why he believes it is necessary that they pay higher taxes. Until now, and in stark continuity with his much-maligned predecessor, he appears to believe that these awkward details can be left to Treasury.

    An income support grant that reaches poor and unemployed workers can become an effective and admirable part of South Africa’s fiscal constitution. It will mean sacrifices from the wealthy, but also from those in secure jobs, including public-sector workers and other unionised insiders. And this will take political courage to push through.The Conversation

    Michael Sachs was a member of South Africa’s Department of Social Development’s Expert Panel on Basic Income Support.

  • COVID infection of three lions and a puma in private South African zoo points to need for wider surveillance

    SARS-CoV-2 is the cause of the disease we know as COVID-19. While this disease has wreaked havoc on every human population worldwide, what isn’t as well appreciated is that the virus can also infect a range of animals.

    The World Organisation for Animal Health) has reported outbreaks of SARS-CoV-2 in cats, dogs, ferrets, minks, otters, lions, tigers, pumas, snow leopards, gorillas, white-tailed deer, fishing cat, Binturong, South American coati, spotted hyena, Eurasian lynx and Canada lynx. Recently the virus was identified in pet hamsters following reverse zoonotic transmission from humans.

    In our paper we report infection of an exotic puma (July 2020) and three African lions (July 2021) in a private zoo in Johannesburg, South Africa. Transmission of a Delta variant – similar to those circulating in humans in South Africa at the time – from a zookeeper to the three lions was identified. One lion developed pneumonia while the other cases had mild infection. Both the puma and lions remained positive for SARS-CoV-2 RNA for up to seven weeks but cleared the infection completely.

    This work is the first example of SARS-CoV-2 animal infection in Africa and adds to only a handful of papers globally addressing infection in captive lion populations. Three previous accounts have been published from zoos in the US, India and Barcelona.

    The fact that a wide range of animals appear susceptible to infection has at least three important consequences.

    Firstly, it is unclear how severe the disease is in different animals and this has animal welfare implications. Secondly, animals have different immune systems and live in different environments from humans, which means there would be altered evolutionary pressure on the virus. This has the potential to influence future emergence of viral variants if wider outbreaks occur as was the case in ferrets in Europe and white tailed deer in the US.

    Finally, any hope of eradicating the virus with the use of vaccines and antivirals will need to take into account the fact that there are likely pockets of animal infection where the virus may still circulate. Virologists call these animals “reservoirs”. Just like a dam provides excess water to a community, these animals could harbour the virus after many people have become immune. To date there have been few reports of these animals transmitting it back to humans and no reports of large cats transmitting back.

    A better understanding of the transmission dynamics and pathogenesis in susceptible species will mitigate the risk to humans and wildlife occurring in Africa.

    What we found

    In July 2020 and then again in June 2021 one of us (Dr Katja Koeppel) was alerted to two pumas and then three lions with respiratory disease symptoms, housed in a zoo outside Johannesburg. These included symptoms similar to COVID-19 (and many viral respiratory infections) such as coughing, difficulty breathing and appetite loss. At least one of the lions had pneumonia.

    Initially these animals were treated with antibiotics, which didn’t work. It was then that Dr Koeppel connected with the Zoonotic arbo- and Respiratory virus Research programme in the Centre for Viral Zoonoses, University of Pretoria to test for SARS-CoV-2. One puma and all three lions tested PCR positive.

    With the helpful cooperation of the zoo, an investigation into the 2021 lion outbreak was initiated. All staff who were in contact with the lions were interviewed as well as swabbed for COVID-19 tests. We found two out of 12 members of staff PCR positive, indicating an active SARS-CoV-2 infection. Additionally, a further three members of staff had antibodies to the virus, indicative of a past infection. Only one staff member reported a previous positive test.

    The investigation thus concluded that four of the staff were asymptomatically infected with SARS-CoV-2 while in contact with the lions. Using further genetic analysis, we determined that all the lion viruses and the virus from the head big cat keeper were nearly identical (the SARS-CoV-2 Delta variant).

    This suggested that all the lions and at least one of the staff members were involved in a single transmission chain. Since the lions were in two different cages and not in contact with other animals the virus was likely transmitted from the human to both cages.

    If lions and other animals can get COVID-19, what should we do about it?

    Wider surveillance needed

    A growing body of research shows that COVID-19 protocols should be extended to areas in which there is a human-animal interface. These include zoos, wildlife sanctuaries and game farms.

    This is vitally important for regions that depend on eco-tourism as is the case in much of Africa. Simple COVID-19 protocols such as regular health checks, hand hygiene and most importantly consistent masking will be as effective to prevent the spread of COVID-19 to animals as shown in humans.

    Our research also illustrates the potential danger SARS-CoV-2 poses to animal health. As is currently being reported in the US, the virus has spread to wild White-tailed deer populations in multiple states. Once in the wild, the virus will be difficult to control. Fortunately, the deer appear unaffected by the disease.

    The lions in our study recovered well after treatment with anti inflammatories, antibiotics and vitamins. The lion with pneumonia also received dexamethazone the same drug used in humans. But infected lions in India weren’t as lucky.

    As the pandemic winds down, continual surveillance of wild animal populations will be vital to ensure that the pandemic doesn’t switch to another sphere of life.

    The Conversation

    Adriano Mendes receives funding from the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research through the Research Networks for Health Innovations in Sub-Saharan Africa initiative.

    Amy Strydom, Katja Koeppel, and Marietjie Venter do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

  • Sudan’s protestors aren’t giving up despite heavy odds: here’s why


    Sudanese protesters clash with security forces during an anti-coup protest in Khartoum, Sudan in December 2021.
    EPA-EFE/STR

    Sudanese have been going out on the streets for non-violent, peaceful protests for more than three months since the military coup on October 25, 2021.

    Thousands of demonstrators have been defying a ban on protests and have marched in Khartoum and other cities denouncing the military takeover. They are calling for a fully civilian government to lead the country’s now-stalled transition to democracy.

    Since the October coup, at least 79 people have been killed. The internet has been blocked for long periods, preventing the protesters from telling the world about what goes on.

    But the main protest organisers – the neighbourhood resistance committees and the Sudanese Professionals Association – say that they will not leave the streets until the fall of the coup regime, and until the military leaders are held to account for the atrocities they have committed.

    The protests have remained peaceful, and people have not stopped coming, despite the military’s use of excessive force. When the military leaders have responded so harshly and have not given in on any demands, why do the protests still continue?

    We’ve carried out research into youth activism in Sudan and have insights into what drives people to continue protesting.

    We believe that the reasons for continued protests are a combination of; historical proof that demonstrations can bring change, previous experience in organising protests and because they’re driven by young people who have the tools and energy to keep pushing and who have little faith in others to make the change happen.

    The drivers

    The first is the success that ordinary Sudanese had in toppling former president Omar al-Bashir. Resilient demonstrations from 2018 to 2019 against Bashir contributed to the fall of a president that had been in power for three decades.

    These events showed Sudanese people that they could bring about change. Marching in the street, day after day, is seen as something worthwhile, something rewarding, that will bring an outcome.

    The main protest organisers are the neighbourhood or resistance committees and the Sudanese Professionals Association.

    Initially established in 2012, the neighbourhood committees were run by young volunteers to ensure essentials – such as bread, sugar and cooking gas – were distributed. They developed into underground resistance committees and, together with the Sudan Professional Association (an association of health workers, doctors and lawyers), organised people into marches throughout Khartoum and in other towns.

    Young people – Sudanese youth – were the backbone of the protests against Bashir. And continue to be today.

    The generation of people, between the ages of 15 and 30, were all raised under the authoritarian rule of the Islamist party National Congress Party which ran the country from 1989 to 2019. Political activism was harshly repressed, making voluntary charity work one of the few arenas where young people could engage. As opposition to the regime increased, youth engagement gradually turned from charity to political protests, seen in Khartoum and other cities from 2013.

    The lessons learnt by young people from voluntary work and previous resistance and repression under Bashir became instrumental for the success of the uprising in 2019.

    The volunteers had learnt how to organise supplies, and the politically experienced taught the others how to mobilise, and both groups knew how to crowdfund. Underground organisation and the use of social media were key.

    It’s allowed demonstrators to maintain stamina and continue to mobilise protests over and over again, regardless of the challenges.

    The second driver is that young people are drawn to demonstrate out of a feeling of responsibility to change the situation. This is written based on observation and interviews from our ongoing research project which started in 2018.

    These emotions are a key aspect of the Sudanese revolution and may explain why the protests continue even in the face of brutal violence from the military. This was also seen in Tunisia and Egypt.

    The act of going over and over again to the Mawkib is an act of resilience but also is part of encouragement that the fight is not over.

    A third reason for the endurance of the protests is disappointment with formal political participation and channels. Previous protests proved that informal and clandestine organisation through neighbourhood committees worked. In addition, activists are also deeply disappointed with the Forces for Freedom and Change, a coalition of civilian political forces which accepted a power sharing with the military in the transitional government from 2019, thereby allowing the army to get back in power.

    The demonstrators also have little faith in the influence of the international community. This is due to the experience with the international community during Bashir’s regime. The economic sanctions for example, that were imposed on Sudan in the early 1990s, did not directly affect the regime. But they had a heavy impact on the life of the citizens.

    A call for support

    The protesters recognise that the change has to come from within. In our interviews with activists, they also underline that it can be aided by well thought out support from the international community.

    It could, for example, take direct action against the military itself, such as individuals, rather than the country as a whole.

    It could also take the form of pressure on states in the region to withdraw their support for the coup makers. And it could involve finding ways to support civil society and activists instead of withdrawing aid.

    The Conversation

    Lovise Aalen receives funding from the ARUS-project (Assisting Regional Universities in Sudan) at Chr. Michelsen Institute, funded by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The views expressed in this article are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the ARUS project or CMI.

    Mai Azzam received funding from Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD) as a scholarship for her PhD. All data and opinions expressed in the article are the responsibility of the authors.
    Mai works as a consultant for Royaa Center for Feminist studies in Khartoum, Sudan as well as for the Sudanese Solidarity for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (TASAMI), Khartoum, Sudan. Both organizations are independent and do not relate to the article or any opinion discussed in it.

  • Science academies and disciplinary groups have work to do on gender equality

    Women remain under-represented in science careers and research all over the world. There are several reasons for this, including stereotypes about what kind of work women “can” or “should” do; patriarchal attitudes; and a lack of support for women pursuing science, technology, engineering and maths (STEM) careers.

    This isn’t just an abstract concern. Gender equality matters for many sound reasons. For one, it’s enshrined in international human rights law and it is one of the Sustainable Development Goals.

    It also makes good economic sense for countries to invest in and fully utilise their total populations. Inclusive scientific leadership in which women are equally represented is best suited to the needs of modern society. Plus, valuing diversity and multiple perspectives sparks creativity and innovation. Both are important hallmarks of scientific endeavour.

    So, how are the world’s science academies and international disciplinary associations doing when it comes to getting – and keeping – women on board as members and leaders. That’s what we set out to examine in our new study. We focused on science academies and disciplinary unions because together, these organisations represent a large proportion of global scientific endeavour. They have the potential to be powerful change-makers and leaders.

    The study followed a 2015 survey on gender inclusion in academies. This allowed us to pinpoint whether and how academies had made any progress in certain areas. There were some encouraging findings: for example, women’s membership of academies increased from 13% to 17% and women’s leadership on governing bodies from 21% to 29%. Young academies, which generally represent early career scientists, fared far better than their senior counterparts, which is a promising sign for the future.

    But there’s still plenty for young academies to do. Most still have less than a quarter women’s representation, though there was one bright spot: South Africa’s Young Academy of Science is ranked highest in the world when it comes to female membership; 57% of its members are women.

    The report sets out several recommendations for furthering gender representation and equality globally. These include developing and maintaining a central repository of gender-related policies and actions as well as working intensively with disciplinary associations where improvement is needed in women’s representation.

    Key findings

    The study was coordinated by GenderInSITE (Gender in Science, Innovation, Technology and Engineering), an initiative aimed at promoting the role of women in these disciplines and demonstrating how the application of a “gender lens” leads to more effective, equitable and sustainable development. It was a collaboration with the InterAcademy Partnership and the International Science Council.

    The academies and disciplinary organisations surveyed are all members of the InterAcademy Partnership or the International Science Council. In total, they represent more than 250 unique organisations. That means the results we collected provide important baseline information for taking transformative action at a global level.

    Here are some of the key findings:

    • Young academies are setting the pace when it comes to gender equality. On average, women’s share of their membership is 42%; ten young academies are ranked ahead of the highest ranked senior academy in terms of percentage of women members.
    • The highest ranked senior academy is the Academy of Sciences of Cuba. It increased its share from 27% in 2015 to 33% in 2020.
    • There are big disciplinary differences in women’s representation. This perpetuates familiar patterns evident also in women’s representation in research fields. For instance, representation was relatively higher in biological sciences (28%) and social sciences, humanities and arts (27%). It was lowest in the mathematical sciences (8%).
    • The Tanzania Academy of Sciences was among those academies that grew their representation of female scientists the most, increasing from 4% in 2015 to 12% in 2020. The Ethiopian Academy of Sciences now has the lowest representation of women members on the continent, at 9%.

    We also found a big divide between actions and words. For instance, 68% of international disciplinary organisations said they were committed to diversity and inclusivity. But only 32% said they were taking action by, for instance, developing policies that would drive diversity and inclusion. Only 16% of these organisations reported that they had a budget for activities related to gender equality.

    One of our most disappointing findings was that only six science academies of the 72 that participated last time discussed the 2015 survey report and its recommendations at a strategic planning session. This has prompted us to recommend that the IAP and ISC establish centralised monitoring and evaluation frameworks that require regular reporting of gender statistics by their member organisations.

    Recommendations

    The new survey contains a number of recommendations, which GenderInSITE, the InterAcademy Partnership and the International Science Council are committed to taking forward.

    One of our next steps is to extend the survey to other global science organisations. This will contribute to a more inclusive and comprehensive understanding of gender equality in global science. The report also recommends developing and maintaining a central repository of gender-related policies and actions as a way of encouraging those organisations committed to gender transformation to learn from best practice examples.

    GenderInSITE, the InterAcademy Partnership and the International Science Council have all committed to using their regional presences to gain insights and advance the gender equality agenda. This is especially so in countries or regions that are lagging. The same sort of work will be undertaken in disciplines that have been found wanting in terms of women’s representation.

    Our three organisations will also establish centralised monitoring and evaluation frameworks that require regular reporting of relevant gender statistics by our member organisations. This reporting will happen at a high strategic level. In this way, we hope that gender transformation is prioritised.

    It’s also important to note that we’re not merely focusing on numbers, since these are only part of the picture. Science academies and disciplinary organisations are also being encouraged to focus on making diversity and inclusion central to their institutional cultures.

    Roseanne Denise Diab receives funding from The Elsevier Foundation

    Peter McGrath works for the IAP, which receives core funding from the Government of Italy

  • What archaeology can tell us about the lives of children in England 1,500 years ago

    Following the collapse of the Roman Empire in the early fifth century, groups from northwest Europe made their way to British shores. Germanic peoples settled in what is now England between the fifth and seventh centuries AD.

    The traditions around death and burial they brought with them provide us with a snapshot of the lives and deaths of people in these communities. Burials can also offer information about a frequently overlooked group: children.

    Due to a lack of written records, our knowledge about the people who lived in early medieval England often comes from the excavation of burial sites. Well-known examples include the Sutton Hoo ship burial in Suffolk and the Prittlewell chamber grave in Essex.

    Landscape photograph showing burial mounds in grass
    The Sutton Hoo burial site, Suffolk.
    Alex Healing via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    These uncovered highly elaborate artefacts, such as the Sutton Hoo helmet. However, burials like these are rare, and give us a skewed view of history. Very few people were offered such ostentatious funerals.

    There are two types of burial from this period. Cremated bone deposits are found in buried pottery urns: the dead were cremated on an open pyre, accompanied by objects and animal offerings. In some cases, additional unburned items, such as bone combs, were added to the urn before burial.

    The other type of burial was a more straightforward affair. The deceased was buried in a grave with artefacts of relevance to their identity in life. This is known as “inhumation”.

    Clues to the past

    The objects buried with people provide important clues about their lives. Grave provisions from early medieval burials include jewellery and combs, knives and pottery vessels. They can also contain animal bones belonging to a range of species, such as horses, cattle, pigs, dogs, birds, and bears.

    Regardless of the funerary rite bestowed on children, there are similarities in the objects that were bestowed and buried with these individuals. Analyses have shown that infants and children under 12 years of age were less likely to be buried with animal offerings and, where they were, a narrow range of species were gifted to the young individuals. Children were most likely to be gifted sheep or goat, or pig offerings at the funeral.

    They were also more likely to be found with a narrower range of artefacts, including beads, rings, combs, knives and spindle whorls, than older members of the community. In addition to the items buried with children, adult males were sometimes found with weapons, such as swords, shields, and spearheads, while adult females were typically buried with jewellery, including different types of brooches.

    An example of an early medieval bead found in graves.
    The Portable Antiquities Scheme/ The Trustees of the British Museum via Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

    The more restricted range of objects found with children possibly indicates their different social status, roles within the household, and identity in life.

    Interestingly, the cremated remains of infants and children were buried in shorter urns, while their contemporaries from inhumation cemeteries were interred with shorter knives than adolescents and adults. This potentially suggests that people were given longer knives or taller pots as they passed through key stages of life.

    Adolescence was a crucial time in a young person’s life as they took on new roles and responsibilities. Some of these roles are likely to have involved the management of livestock and participation in other economic activities, such as crafting.

    This would marry up with a law written in the seventh century AD which states that individuals over ten years of age were old enough to manage their family’s land and property. Therefore, increased interaction with animals and greater economic contribution may have warranted the endowment of animals or a wider range of objects at the funeral.

    Even though children were socially distinct from older individuals, they were clearly cared for. They were included in household burial plots among groups who practised cremation.

    Furthermore, when children were sometimes buried alongside adults in what is known as the “multiple burial rite”. The most frequent demographic pairing when this took place was of an infant or child and an adult. But we cannot assume that individuals found in multiple burials were blood relatives. Instead, individuals may have been buried together as they shared social attributes, such as ideological beliefs, or kin ties.

    Archaeologist Nick Stoodley has suggested that the caring responsibilities of adults extended to the afterlife. This could explain why this demographic pairing is most common.

    Looking to the future

    Even though researchers are starting to pay more attention to children from early medieval contexts, the development of osteological techniques – which are used to analyse skeletal remains – and advances in analytical methods will allow us to learn more about the youngest members of early medieval society.

    Organisations such as The Society for the Study of Childhood in the Past (SSCIP) champion research that focuses specifically on children in the past, and the important roles they played in society.

    The promotion of archaeological research focused on children will not only lead to a more rounded understanding of children from early medieval England, but also of young people from other points in history.The Conversation

    Kirsty Squires does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

  • Making change, making history, making noise: Brittany Higgins and Grace Tame at the National Press Club

    As an historian of the Australian women’s movement, the past two years have been extraordinary to witness. Not only are we living through a once-in-a-century pandemic, which has had profoundly gendered effects, we have also experienced a feminist insurgency that has placed the issue of women’s safety, and men’s abuses of power, at the centre of our national conversation.

    While many activists, journalists and advocates contributed to this insurgency, it exploded largely thanks to two young women: 2021 Australian of the Year Grace Tame and former parliamentary staffer Brittany Higgins.

    Both just 26, both survivors of sexual assault, both abused by men – and institutions – they ought to have been able to trust. Both rejected the expectation they should be shamed into silence about their experiences. In doing so, they have helped to rewrite enduring cultural scripts about sexual abuse and sexual assault.

    Their joint address at the National Press Club today was a valedictory speech, a way to mark their extraordinary year in the public eye. But it was also a call to action, a warning against complacency in an election year.

    Both made it very clear that, while hearing the voices of survivors of abuse and assault is important, it is not enough. As Higgins noted, the ways we discuss abuse are far too passive,

    as if sexual violence falls out of the sky. As if it is perpetrated by no-one.

    Of yesterday’s formal parliamentary apology to victims of alleged sexual harassment, assault and bullying, Higgins was grateful, but sceptical:

    They are still only words. Actions are what matter.

    Tame and Higgins both made passionate pleas for structural change, for measurable action to prevent sexual abuse and assault. Tame called for government to take abuse seriously: to advance consistent national legislative change on sexual offences, and to spend more on preventive education to curb Australia’s alarmingly high rates of abuse and assault. She calculated the government spends 11 cents per student per year on prevention education, because

    we currently have a government that is primarily concerned with short-sighted, votes-based funding, not with long-term, needs-based funding.

    To those of us used to government by spin, obfuscation and photo ops in high-vis vests, Tame and Higgins’ moral clarity and bluntness are exhilarating. Both vehemently ruled out the possibility of political careers and, indeed, the journalists asking them about their political aspirations seem to misread their social and political role.

    They are advocates and activists, who use their public platform to articulate complex issues in clear, direct ways. Tame, in particular, clearly has no intention of playing by anyone else’s rules, as her memorable side-eye to the prime minister at The Lodge demonstrated.

    Grace Tame has made it clear she does not intend to play by anyone else’s rules.
    Mick Tsikas/AAP

    Their speeches also confirmed that their actions had rattled the Morrison government, whose response to them has been ham-fisted at every turn. Tame revealed that in August 2021 a representative of a government-funded organisation (which she declined to name) had asked for her “word” that she would not say anything about the prime minister on the evening before the 2022 Australian of the Year awards. “You are an influential person. He will have a fear,” she was told. She speculated he had “a fear he might lose his position, or, more to the point, his power”. The prime minister’s office later said it had no knowledge of such a call to Tame and the person who made it should apologise.




    Read more:
    Grattan on Friday: Morrison finds strong women can be tough players


    Tame also reminded us the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet conducted a review of the selection process for Australian of the Year not long after she won the award. This was an attempt at intimidation, as Tame notes, but it also spoke to the government’s dislike of her fearless critique.

    Higgins was consistently treated by many in the Morrison government as a political problem to be managed. In the wake of her allegations, the prime minister commissioned not one, not two, but four reviews, all the while dragging his heels on a formal response to Kate Jenkins’s landmark Respect@Work report.

    Higgins reminded us that implementing Respect@Work, especially the proposed “positive duty” on employers to provide a safe workplace, would have

    impacted every single working woman in the country. And we just kind of let that moment slide by without thinking.

    The government has long dealt with Brittany Higgins as a problem to be managed.
    Dean Lewins/AAP

    Tame and Higgins dissected the government’s performance on gender over the past year. Tame called out Christian Porter’s reliance on a blind trust to fund his unsuccessful defamation case against the ABC. Higgins eviscerated the government’s National Plan to End Violence Against Women and Children for its “vague and lofty” aims, its lack of targets and clear plans. She noted the shocking statistics on domestic violence that

    you’ve heard […] rattled off at white-ribbon breakfasts […] They should spur us to do whatever it takes. But instead they’ve become a sort of throat-clearing exercise that we all just kind of tolerate.

    Policy action on abuse and assault has been a litmus test for the Morrison government’s views on women. According to Higgins and Tame, it is a test the government has failed at every turn.

    In the 1970s, feminist activists told personal stories in public because of their belief that “the personal is political”. Yet victims of sexual assault or abuse typically remained anonymous, because of the shame that was attached to these crimes.

    More recently, advocates like Rosie Batty, and now young women including Grace Tame and Brittany Higgins, have personalised these difficult issues, making them harder for politicians to ignore. The #MeToo and #LetHerSpeak movements have centred on survivors and focused on hearing their stories. As Tame said in her NPC address:

    How beautiful is freedom of speech? I haven’t always had it.

    One of the problems with a movement based on storytelling in public spaces is the brutal toll it exacts on survivors. Tame noted she had spent the past year being “revictimised, commodified, objectified, sensationalised, legitimised [and] gaslit”. As Tarana Burke has pointed out, survivors “shouldn’t have to perform our pain over and over again for the sake of your awareness”.

    There are other problems with placing too much emphasis on individuals like Tame or Higgins: two young white women can hardly represent all assault survivors, as Shakira Hussein and others have pointed out. And we must be careful not to confuse justice for individuals with broader structural changes to protect all people from abuse and harassment.

    But by speaking truth to power, Higgins and Tame have reinvigorated feminism for a new generation of young women. Back in the 1990s, older feminists worried young women were not taking up the feminist mantle. No-one is saying that now. Teenage girls know Grace Tame’s name, and they admire her courage and her strength.

     

    As Jess Hill and others have noted, the public face of Australian feminism in the 2010s was dominated by “corporate feminism”: seemingly preoccupied with getting more women on boards rather than raising the wages of low-paid female workers in aged care or childcare, for example.

    Sexual harassment is still, shockingly, endemic across Australia, and too many people have experienced sexual abuse and assault. By highlighting this problem – which at its core is about the gendered abuse of power – Tame and Higgins have mobilised a broad constituency of Australian women. They inspired thousands to march for justice and others to run for political office. Maybe they will play a decisive role in this year’s federal election.

    As Tame reminded us:

    [our leaders] may either be constructive or destructive. But every single one of them is arguably replaceable.


    If you or anyone you know needs help, please call 1800RESPECT (1800 737 732).

    The Conversation

    Michelle Arrow receives funding from the Australian Research Council. She was a campaign volunteer for the ALP at the 2019 election.

  • Autism is still underdiagnosed in girls and women. That can compound the challenges they face

    Being autistic, but not diagnosed, can lead to a lifetime of struggles and being misunderstood for women.

    This issue has been highlighted in the last few years by celebrity women including Hannah Gadsby, Daryl Hannah, British reality star Christine McGuinness and former Australian of the year Grace Tame. By talking about their adult autism diagnosis, they are helping to debunk the myth that autism is for boys and men.

    Autism affects thoughts, feelings, interactions and experiences in an estimated one in 70 people. In childhood, autism is now diagnosed in three boys for every one girl (a ratio that has greatly reduced over time). Girls are often diagnosed later than boys, so miss out on opportunities for early support.

    Girls who have autism but not a diagnosis grow up not understanding why they are sometimes confused in social situations. They might not be able to make friends as easily as others and can sometimes be targets for bullies. This can lead to lifelong feelings of failure and thinking they have character defects – or being told they do.

    These experiences growing up can lead to or interact with post-traumatic stress symptoms in adulthood.

    Girls get diagnosed (and misdiagnosed) with other things

    Girls who don’t get diagnosed tend not to have readily observable co-occurring difficulties, such as hyperactivity. But many girls and women receive other (sometimes incorrect) diagnoses instead of, or before, an autism diagnosis.

    Our recent case study provides reflections from our perspectives as a psychologist (Tamara) and a late-diagnosed autistic woman (Carol). In the discussion, Carol describes her confusion and challenges growing up, and how they resurfaced following traumatic experiences as an adult.

    There is a long-standing bias in the world of mental health to view some symptoms as the domain of males, such as aggressive and externalising symptoms, while internalising symptoms like anxiety are seen as the domain of females.

    Clinical observations reveal many women who receive their autism diagnosis in adulthood have had various other diagnoses including anxiety disorders, depression and mood disorders, borderline personality disorder, obsessive compulsive disorder and eating disorders. Where the underlying cause is likely autism, treatments and support need to be tailored to be effective.

    Undercover autism

    Research suggests girls quickly learn to copy others, which has the effect of “masking” or “camouflaging” their difficulties. They might practise making facial expressions in the mirror so they can be ready to make their expressions match upcoming social situations; they may copy other girls to learn how to position their bodies.

    They might have an array of scripts to say in different situations, especially when there is a risk of having to engage in “small talk”. They use rule-based approaches rather than intuitively responding in the moment.

    Their special interests might be more “acceptable” than those of autistic boys. Think animals, music, books, or just learning and researching, compared to videogames or trains.

    Trying to be perfect, or achieve in other areas, can be another response to one’s social difficulties. These strategies can result in autism not even being considered by parents, teachers and clinicians. Compared to boys, girls are observed to have fewer repetitive behaviours such as movements, narrow interests, or ritualised behaviour.

    ‘People say to me: you don’t look autistic. Here’s what women with autism want you to know. (Iris)’

    Getting a diagnosis matters

    Not picking up on social situations quickly enough can put women and girls at greater risk of traumatic experiences.

    Parents and teachers need better support to identify and understand autism in girls. They may spot girls not picking up social cues or appearing a little behind their peers in some areas. These can be carefully explored. A conversation with a young person about how they navigate social situations can be revealing. Confusion or a rule-based approach may be quickly apparent.

    Autistic girls grow into women who may have a very direct style of communication and not pick up on the subtleties of office politics. This can result in them receiving negative professional feedback and reinforce self doubts.

    Clinicians too need to be better at understanding how girls and women with autism might get missed. Thinking beyond binary notions of gender is also important – there is more gender diversity in autistic people. Exploring the presentation of non-binary and gender fluid people with autism is an emerging field that could shed further light on autistic presentations.

    girl covers face. blurred effect.
    Girls with autism may be working hard to copy social cues.
    Shutterstock

    4 ways testing should change

    From an autistic woman’s perspective, the diagnostic assessments need rethinking:

    • they should consider autistic strengths and not focus solely on deficits and impairments. Sometimes autism isn’t considered because of the presence of strengths
    • they should incorporate the common lived experiences of autistic women. These have now been well-documented by autistic women, many with successful careers and yet areas of difficulty
    • the differences between the presentation of autism in females and males should be reflected in the diagnostic criteria
    • autistic people should be included in the design and content of diagnostic tests.

    The Conversation

    The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

  • School anxiety in the time of COVID: how parents and teachers can help kids cope

    With COVID-related school closures and long periods of remote learning, many kids across Australia have not physically been at school for most of the past two years. Because of the time away, some children might get extremely upset about going back, some might try to avoid school, while others – at the more severe end – might refuse to go to school altogether.

    But where an illness or health problem is not present, it is important to continue to expect your child to be at school.

    Kids who struggle going back to school may:

    • be anxious or fearful that “something bad” might happen when they return to school
    • complain about issues with other students or teachers
    • refuse to leave the house to go to school
    • report feeling sick and regularly visiting the nurse or sick bay.

    Sometimes complaining of illness or pain can be a way children communicate their worries or anxieties. It is important to help them recognise there are other ways to cope with these feelings.

    It’s also important to step in quickly. Missed schoolwork and social experiences snowball, making school avoidance a problem that grows bigger and more difficult to manage.

    Here’s how you and your child’s school can help.

    1. Create a back to school plan

    The first thing to do is talk to your child to find out if anything at school is stopping them from wanting to go. Then talk to their teachers: explain why your child might not want to go – for example bullying, learning difficulties or mental health concerns. Discuss how this is affecting your child. You could ask the school about any strategies they are using or ones they could recommend.

    Also, listen to children carefully about what their main worries and concerns are, and what other ways they can tackle problems. Do they feel comfortable asking for help when they are at school? And if not, how can that be better facilitated? For instance, using a card or ticket system the child can exchange for help without having to ask.

    Then, with your child’s school, you can set up a back to school plan. Organise a gradual start back. For example, your child might be able to start with a shorter school day or with their favourite subjects, and build up from there.

    Check to see if there are support staff, like a student well-being officer, school psychologist or counsellor, who can help your child. Ask for regular progress updates on how your child is going.

    2. Help your child be more connected

    You might also want to include in the plan ways to help increase your child’s sense of belonging to the school. Studies show student anxiety and feelings of not belonging are closely linked. Relationships with teachers and other students are central to feeling a sense of belonging.

    If your child is having significant difficulties with attending school, one way to assist could be to help them connect more with their teachers or a staff member. For instance, a teacher could greet them at the gate in the morning. They could also give them a special job to do when arriving such as watering a plant or setting up a classroom.

    Child watering plant.
    A teacher could ask the struggling student to water a plant in the mornings.
    Shutterstock

    To can help increase your child’s sense of connection to peers, you could:

    • organise to have another student, perhaps a peer or friend, meet your child in the morning and walk together to the classroom
    • help your child facilitate social interaction with other students particularly if they are having trouble doing this on their own. You might inquire if they have friends at school or if they are playing with others at break times
    • look out for opportunities for play dates with peers during holidays, on weekends or after school. Building friendships in informal play-based ways can help buffer some of the worries a student might have when they are at school.

    3. Plan helpful transitions

    To help kids transition from home to school, parents and teachers can:

    • put together a box of calming items for students in the early or primary years to go to in a different area (like a quiet space in the library) before going into the classroom. Research shows children can use familiar items as distractions to calm their nerves in stressful situations
    • have a clear transition routine between parents and teachers that is followed each day. A teacher meeting the child at the gate can be part of this routine.
    It could help laying out uniforms the night before.
    Shutterstock

    At home, parents can try to:

    • reduce the stress and hurry of morning routines. If you can, lay out uniforms the night before, and pack lunch boxes too
    • keep the child connected to the school. For instance, if they don’t go to school for a day, ensure they do some school work at home
    • reinforce school is a safe place
    • identify key people at school the student can go to for help (such as five trusted adults).

    What if all this doesn’t work?

    If these strategies don’t work, and if your child struggles to go to school for weeks or months, an evaluation from a health-care professional, like an educational and developmental psychologist, can help identify if there are more serious concerns at play.

    School refusal is a term used to describe children who have ongoing concerns with attending school. Consistently not going to school can be associated with separation anxiety, depression, panic disorder or a specific phobia around attending school.

    Only 1-5% of students experience genuine school refusal and they often require therapy, support, medication, or ongoing accommodations to help them.


     

    In severe cases, other options of schooling may best be suited, like a variation in a school day or homeschooling.

    It’s also important to remember children can pick up when their parents are feeling nervous and this can exacerbate their own anxiety. So a big part of the transition process is for parents to model good coping strategies. With time, children will benefit from observing that stress and worry are a part of life, and will hopefully develop their own ways to cope.

    There is a different solution for each child, and progress can be slow. Try to be patient too – some children can take a few weeks to adjust. But they will likely be making progress each day, and building the confidence they need to get back to school regularly without the nerves.

    If this article has raised concerns for you or someone you know, you can call Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800, Beyond Blue on 1300 22 4636, or Lifeline on 13 11 14.

    The Conversation

    Christine Grové is a fellow of the College of Educational and Developmental Psychologists, a member of the Australian Psychological Society, and the American Psychological Association, and a member of The United Nations Association of Australia Academic Network.

    Kelly-Ann Allen is the Lead Director of the Global Belonging Collaborative, a Fellow of the Australian Psychological Society and Fellow of the College of Educational and Developmental Psychologists. She holds memberships with the Positive Education Schools Association (PESA), Early Childhood Intervention Australia (ECIA VIC/TAS), the International Positive Psychology Association (IPPA), the Association for Psychological Science, the Society for the Study of School Psychology (SPRCC), the Society of Australasian Social Psychologists (SASP), and the Society for Personality and Social Psychology (SPSP).